Monday, March 26, 2012

Vultures in Nairobi; or, the problem with political symbols; being part of a work in progress on patronage and electoral politics in Kenya


Over the past few weeks, avian symbols of avarice have been appearing by night on prominent public spaces in Nairobi's central business district. Accompanied by text condemning corruption and stating the preferred qualities of clean leaders, beautifully painted murals on prominent walls have featured caricatures equating Kenyan politicians with vultures. These razor-beaked, carrion-eating birds are portrayed in suits, sometimes with attache cases labelled “Stolen Loot.” As far as street art goes, this is some of the most overtly political stuff there is. I love the work – also, I openly admit harbouring a growing fascination with political street art – and I appreciate the anti-corruption sentiment. But I question the choice of symbols and the narrow focus on politicians. It is far too simple an attack to blame current and past leaders for Kenya's political troubles – doing so ignores how deeply entrenched patronage relations are in this country (and in many others), and overlooks the important role of clients who participate in the perpetuation of the politics of the belly and who must also be held responsible for reform.
To contemporary Western eyes, the vulture is an immediately recognizable symbol of corruption and greed. The link here draws on our association of vultures with death and the consumption of deceased bodies – perhaps even human [what desert Western would be complete without a flock of buzzards, circling our protagonists thirst-ridden body collapsed in the sand?]. It hasn't always been so – New-Agey website What's Your Sign lists a number of noble traits, including loyalty, patience, and renewal, based on both observation and interpretation and some historical accounts of vulture symbolism in ancient cultures - Egyptian, Roman, Mayan. But in this era of “vulture capitalists” and anti-greed sentiment – even in America! - the implication is unmistakable.
These murals first came to my attention at the beginning of March through the Daily Nation and they've been hastily covered by municipal employees. The first mural, which appeared one night on the white wall of City Market, shows a smirking vulture, enthroned in front of the Parliament building, with a thought-bubble revealing that “I’m a tribal leader; they loot, rape, burn and kill in my defence while I steal their taxes and grab land, but the idiots will still vote for me.” Beside him a litany of sins are listed – from land grabbing and assassinations to well-known scandals such as Anglo-Leasing and Goldenberg. On the far side of ominous looking Parliament, a crowd of protesting Kenyans call their leader to account.
A second mural, this time on the exterior of a public toilet, features a gender-diverse trio of vultures and an assignment, “Describe your MP vulture,” surrounded by a list of disparaging terms, surprisingly (perhaps only to me) including “douchebags.”
According to a feature article in the Lifestyle section of Sunday's Daily Nation, the statements are the work of a group of graffiti artists, part of a project called Kenya ni Kwetu (Kenya is Ours). The motivation is explicitly political. In the story, project “coordinator,” CNN Africa Photojournalist of the Year (2008 and 2010), Boniface Mwangi – who, by the way, produced some absolutely shocking and compelling images documenting the 2007-8 post-election violence – explains that: “This is pointed at the ruling elite, the demigods who have taken advantage of us and capitalised on every Kenyan weakness to have their way.” The goal is to raise awareness and outrage, and to encourage Kenyans to effect change with their votes, so that when they go to the ballot-box they will not forget the pot-holed roads, grabbed land, looted public institutions, and the violence that has been visited upon them by self-interested leaders.
This message should play well among a certain class – and I specifically mean the emerging middle-class – of educated, upwardly-mobile, Nairobi-based young people. But it simplifies the situation and ignores the social relations on which the patronage state in Kenya has developed and is maintained. My experience in this regard is in rural Kenya, in a marginalized community characterized by hardship – i.e. grinding poverty and persistent insecurity – but I am confident it resonates with the experience of the urban poor. In the 2007 election campaigns, I was fascinated by the ways that impoverished, disempowered voters sought to make and cultivate connections with political aspirants, and how they exhorted them to “bring development.” That is, they pleaded with their potential representatives to redirect flows of state resources back to the locality, to help gain security of land tenure, build schools and dispensaries, obtain scholarships for students, and improve roads.
This is a familiar demand in Kenya. MPs sometimes justify their exorbitant salaries on the argument that they are required to contribute personal money during Harambees [public fund-raising events] in their constituencies, leaving them broke come pay-day – neglecting of course to admit a) that they accrue tremendous political capital from such events by performing as patrons and providing for their clients, and b) that they are widely understood to be misappropriating government funds and other resources to not only meet these needs but to enrich themselves and build a base for personal investments. Leaders of all sorts, from parliamentarians to county councilors to the president, as well as appointed administrative officials, civil servants, private-sector professionals, and even non-profit executives and staff in NGOs and CBOs, are judged in part on how well they support their constituencies – in this case not the residents of an electoral district but rather a client base that may be connected by blood, clan, ethnicity, language, or simply a history of asymmetrical reciprocity. And the demands do not stop at those services which a bureaucratic state is expected to provide for its citizens; they may extend to the onerous, the absurd, or the blatantly unjust.
The effectiveness of the vulture as a signifier for corruption comes from our understanding that he is a selfish bird – preying on the damaged or deceased, gluttonously consuming as much as possible and vomiting semi-digested meat in self-defense, and fighting with his own and other kinds to get a share of the rotting carcass. But the weakness of this symbol – and this is the problem and the power of metaphors: they suggest and they approximate, but they never completely equate the targets of comparison – is that it fails to capture the many smaller scavengers who depend on, or at least benefit from, the Kenyan politician's misappropriation of public goods and neglect for the public interest. And until the needs of those clients are met, until their expectation that good leadership constitutes distributing the spoils of electoral victory is altered, simply targeting and neutralizing members of the “ruling elite” will have little impact.

No comments: